Mexican immigrants, between Claudia and Kamala Who will show more support for Mexican nationals living in the U.S. – the new Mexican president or the Democratic candidate?

By Víctor Almazán Rodríguez

The first woman to be elected president of Mexico took office on October 1, 2024.

But many are asking: Will Claudia Sheinbaum reverse the government’s lack of attention to its citizens living abroad, or will her administration continue the policy of obliviousness that characterized her predecessor? 

Outgoing president Andrés Manuel López Obrador did not fulfill the campaign promises he made to Mexican migrants. The only issue he paid attention to in that area had to do with the remittances Mexican immigrants in the U.S. send their families in Mexico — a major contributor to Mexico’s economy.

In the Mexican elections held in June, Claudia Sheinbaum won overwhelmingly with 59% of the vote. Mexicans living abroad voted differently, where Sheinbaum received 49% of the vote.

The ability of Mexican nationals to vote abroad — initially only possible by mail — was implemented in 2006 and was an important victory in the struggles of Mexicans migrants. But it’s faced obstacles. Government data in 2021 showed that 11.7 million Mexicans were living abroad, more than 90% of them in the United States and more than 90% having the right to vote. Yet only 184,326 of them voted in the last elections, using one of the three current voting methods: online, by mail, and in person at consulates. The difficulty of fulfilling requirements to register to vote has been the main obstacle. 

Immigrants flipped their vote

In 2018, when Mexican migrants exercised their right to vote for the third time, they overwhelmingly voted for Morena candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO). Of the 63,863 votes cast abroad, AMLO won 64%. His closest competitor, Ricardo Anaya Cortés of the National Action Party (PAN), got 26%.

Enrique Méndez Flores, originally from Mexicali, Baja California, and a resident of Salinas for several years, spoke to Voices in 2018 about the difficulties of voting from California in the Mexican elections. At that time he was able to vote. This year he did not do so. 

“I am very disappointed. The president (López Obrador) has been acting with malice aforethought and advantage. He knew how he was going to move his chess pieces; he moved his knight, he moved his bishops and he moved his queen exactly where he wanted them. He was mocking us,” he said, describing the maneuvers AMLO put in practice to designate the future president, with Sheinbaum as the “queen.”

Méndez does not believe anything will change for Mexican migrants under the new government. “I am very disappointed with this woman; I can’t make heads or tails of her. She just repeats everything AMLO says.”

Confirming the trend of the migrant vote against opposition parties, PAN member Raúl de Jesús Torres was elected for a second consecutive term as a migrant representative in Mexico City’s Congress. Only Mexico City and Oaxaca have migrant representatives in their local congresses.

Torres, originally from Mexico City and now living in New York, says that one of his main goals is to change the idea that migrants “only matter because of the remittances they send, and to connect Mexico City with its diaspora.”

On September 12, Torres voted against the ratification of reform to the judicial system approved at the federal level by Mexico City’s Congress. López Obrador’s government pushed for approval of the measure by threatening opponents, imprisoning congressmembers’s relatives and buying favors to take control of judicial power.

“This reform puts the country’s rule of law in jeopardy. We must analyze what works and what needs to be changed,” Torres said.“With this reform, the Mexican community is no longer served through virtual trials.”

Torres proposes promoting the election of migrant representatives in each of the Mexican states, as well as the creation of a migrant card to facilitate voting processes and the expansion of the vote abroad. 

Invisible migrants

The situation of Mexicans living abroad has not been a priority issue for the government. In his campaign promises, López Obrador promised to turn Mexican consulates into “migrant defense attorneys’ offices and advocate for their rights at the United Nations.” He did not fulfill his promise.

“Absolutely no effort was ever made, not even a proposal of that nature to alleviate the immigration issue for the millions of Mexicans who are here,” Méndez said. He pointed out that if a Mexican national has to face U.S. authorities and requests support from the consulate, “the consul never arrives. The consulates continue to withhold good service.”

There are no signs the situation will change with the new government. In her document, “100 steps for Transformation,” Sheinbaum says in general terms that the Mexican government is committed to “protect and defend the rights of our countrymen” who work in the United States. Sheinbaum promises to improve services at consulates and the use of a card that López Obrador established for sending remittances, the so-called “Finabien.” But again, she places remittances as the priority. López Obrador boasted that remittances sent by Mexicans living abroad was one of his government’s achievements, taking all the credit for immigrants’ hard work.

Sheinbaum intends to revive an entity intended to address the needs of migrants, the Institute for Mexicans Abroad (IME), by appointing Tatiana Clouthier, former Secretary of Economy during López Obrador’s tenure, as its director. The IME was practically inactive during AMLO’s government. Created by Vicente Fox in 2003, among IME’s powers are “promoting dignified treatment of Mexicans abroad, fostering spaces for meetings and communication between Mexicans,” and acting as a liaison between the Mexican government’s representatives. 

Clouthier has not commented on the matter.

Who would be better for Mexican migrants, Claudia or Kamala?

Given the milestone of electing a woman to the presidency of Mexico, many of us wonder if U. S voters will follow and elect a woman as president of the United States. If Harris wins, “I have faith that the situation of migrants will improve,” said Méndez, who is confident that a change in immigration policy will be achieved. “There have been many efforts by organizations that support Mexicans to push through a reform,” he said.

At a campaign event held in August in Arizona, a state with one of the highest number of Mexican migrants, the Democratic candidate said the United States immigration system is broken but can be fixed by “comprehensive reform that includes solid border security and an earned path to citizenship.” Her ideas are in total opposition to the Republican candidate’s proposal, who is promising “mass deportations” as well as a 10% fee on all remittances sent abroad.

When I asked Méndez whether he believes Mexican nationals should expect Sheinbaum to continue with the same policies as the previous administration, he responded:  “Yes, unquestionably. What else can we expect?” he says. 

To Méndez, the contrast is evident. When asked what we Mexicans can expect from the Democratic candidate, he said 

“Kamala will indeed have good intentions for us.”

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